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Kammergericht
Elßholzstr. 30-33
10781 Berlin
26.06.2003-06-26
In der Strafsache
./. Borgmann
AZ: (1) 2StE 11/00 (4/00)
b e a n t r a g e ich namens und im Auftrag des Angeklagten,
den Präsidenten des Bundesamtes für Verfassungsschutz
(BfV) als Zeugen zu laden und zu hören.
Der Zeuge wird Folgendes bekunden:
- Beim BfV wurde ein sog. Rückführungsprogramm für
angebliche RZ-Mitglieder ausgearbeitet und durchgeführt.
Dieses Programm wurde Ende 1994 / Anfang 1995 intensiviert und
in konkrete Schritte umgesetzt. So wurde Anfang 1995 Anwälten
angeblicher RZ-Mitglieder das Angebot unterbreitet, daß
alle damals mit Haftbefehl gesuchten angeblichen RZ-Mitglieder
- ausgenommen war Hans Joachim Klein - unter bestimmten Bedingungen
zurückkehren könnten. Es handelte sich um Corinna Krawaters,
Juliane Balke, Adrienne Gerhäuser, Sonja Suder, Christian
Gauger, Thomas Kram. Allen wurde eine Bewährungsstrafe in
Aussicht gestellt, wenn sie bereit wären, sich über
das BfV den Behörden zu stellen, und die Beteiligung an einer
strafbaren Handlung einräumen. Corinna Krawaters stellte
sich unter diesen Bedingungen am 25.10.1995.
- Tarek Mousli war seit Anfang des Jahres 1995 bis Ende des Jahres
2000 in operative Maßnahmen des BfV einbezogen. Während
dieser Maßnahmen hat Tarek Mousli Anfang 1995 "Sprengstoff"
in seinem Keller untergebracht. Der als "Gelamon 40"
etikettierte "Sprengstoff" sollte bei operativen Maßnahmen
des BfV eingesetzt werden und den RZ zuzuordnen sein. Tarek Mousli
hat im Jahr 1995 keinen Sprengstoff im Seegraben versenkt. Erst
1999 ist der Sprengstoff im Seegraben versenkt und dann dort am
24.8.99 auch sichergestellt worden.
- Unmittelbar nachdem der "Sprengstoff-Fund" des S.
polizeilich bekannt geworden war, wurde durch das BfV sichergestellt,
dass die polizeilichen Ermittlungen allein auf Slawinski beschränkt
bleiben und - vorerst - keine weiteren Ermittlungen bezüglich
des Sprengstoff vorgenommen werden. Der Zeuge wird bekunden, daß
dies u.a. geschah, um operative Maßnahmen des BfV nicht
zu gefährden. Im Jahr 1994/1995 waren nämlich durch
das BfV im Gesamtkomplex RZ mehrere Aktivitäten auf unterschiedlicher
Ebene entwickelt worden, die durch die Ermittlungstätigkeiten
anderer Behörden nicht behindert werden sollten. Auch war
die Einbindung von Tarek Mousli in solche Maßnahmen - die
die zu diesem Zeitpunkt noch für erforderlich gehalten wurde
und daher weiter andauerten - zu berücksichtigen. Erst im
Herbst 1997 konnten dann die polizeilichen Ermittlungen wieder
aufgenommen werden. Die operativen Gründe für die Geheimhaltung
waren entfallen. Die Untätigkeit bis Herbst 1997 wurde durch
die Legende abgesichert, dass nicht bekannt gewesen wäre,
daß "RZ-verdächtiger" Sprengstoff bei Slawinski
gefunden worden war.
- Während der Hauptverhandlung gegen Corinna Krawaters im
Frühjahr 1998 ist dann das unter Ziffer 1.) genannte Rückkehrangebot
an die mit Haftbefehl gesuchten Personen zurückgezogen worden.
- Der Zeuge wird bekunden, daß es den BfV gelungen ist,
einen Informanten zu gewinnen, der aus dem vermuteten Informationszusammenhang
RZ mindestens in der Zeit von 1983-1995 Informationen gesammelt
und diese an die Dienste weitergeleitet hat. Ob es sich hierbei
um die Person handelt, die in dem Artikel aus The Times vom 08.01.2000
als "Officer of the German Intelligence Service, the Bundesamt
fuer Verfassungsschutz (BfV), or Federal Office for the protection
of the constitution" handelt, der als "spy" in
den Jahren 1994 bis 1996 in die INLA eingeschleust wurde, um u.a.
im August 1994 zusammen mit zwei hochrangigen INLA-Mitglieder
unter Aufsicht des BfV, MI5 und in Kenntnis der Bundesanwaltschaft
in Prag Sprengstoff der Marke Sempex kaufen sollte, kann von der
Verteidigung nur vermutet werden. Immerhin soll diese Person zuvor
den RZ angehört haben. Sicher ist jedoch, daß es einen
Informanten gegeben hat, der über diese Kenntnisse verfügte.
Der Zeuge wird die ladungsfähige Anschrift des Informanten
bekannt geben müssen, damit dieser im vorliegenden Verfahren
vernommen werden kann.
- Der Zeuge wird bekunden, daß ihm von dem Informanten Folgendes
mitgeteilt wurde:
- daß Gerd Albartus zu keiner Zeit Mitglied einer Berliner
Gruppe gewesen , sondern sich, wie es sich auch aus vielen anderen
Verfahren ergibt, nach Haftentlassung der Gruppe um Carlos/
Weinrich zugewandt hat;
- daß Barbara W. auf Harald Hollenberg geschossen hat;
- daß Tarek Mousli das Motorrad auf Dr. Korbmacher gefahren
hat.
Aus der Bekundung des Zeugen wird sich ergeben, daß der Zeuge
Mousli nach den Erkenntnissen des BfV weder gegenüber den Ermittlungsbehörden
noch gegenüber den Diensten umfassend und wahrheitsgemäß
ausgesagt hat.
Die Beweiserheblichkeit der Bekundungen des beantragten Zeugen
ergibt sich aber nicht nur wegen der sich hieraus ergebenden Unglaubwürdigkeit
der Angaben des Mousli vor diesem Gericht, sondern auch wegen der
aufzuklärenden Verquickung der Dienste in die Beweiserhebung
des vorliegenden Strafverfahrens.
Des weiteren wird b e a n t r a g t,
die Akten des Bundesamtes für Verfassungsschutz (BfV) und
der GBA bezüglich der INLA Aktion sowie sämtliche Gesprächsprotokolle
und Vermerke des BfV und der GBA zu diesem - langjährig für
die Dienste tätigen -ehemaligen RZ-Mitgliedes beizuziehen.
Lunnebach
Rechtsanwältin
Anlage:
Artikel aus The Times vom 08.01.2000
A spy in the INLA
The INLA, one of Ireland's most ruthless terrorist groups, was
penetrated at the highest level by a German secret agent. Ian Cobain
and Allan Hall in Berlin investigate, The Times 8/1/01
Overhead, the steel-grey sky of an Irish summer promised yet another
day of soft rain. On the Muirhevnamore estate, in the border town
of Dundalk, no one paid any attention to the procession of cars
turning into a narrow cul-de-sac on the edge of the estate, or to
their occupants, men in their thirties and forties who clambered
out, strode up the driveway of a bungalow at the end of the street
and went through the front door.
In a backroom, these men dispensed with pleasantries and came
straight to their deadly business: fine-tuning the strategy of one
of the most violent and unpredictable terrorist organisations that
Europe has ever seen - the Irish National Liberation Army.
Atrocities for which the INLA is responsible include the murder
of Tory minister Airey Neave, killed by a car bomb as he drove out
of the House of Commons in 1979; the Droppin' Well disco bomb in
Belfast in the mid-1980s which left 11 off-duty soldiers, five women
and a teenage boy dead; the 1992 killing of Sergeant Michael Newman
in Derby; and the foiled attempt to bomb the Grand National three
years ago. The group included the chief-of-staff, Hugh "Cueball"
Torney, 40, so called because his weapon during his days in Long
Kesh had been a pool ball inside two socks; Gino Gallagher, 33,
the organisation's ruthless commander in County Tyrone; and Peter
Stewart, a veteran of many bloody INLA operations.
They also included a tall, quietly spoken man in his late thirties
who was an unusual figure to find among such committed and dangerous
Irish Republicans, not least because he was German.
The INLA's willingness to accept a German "volunteer" into its
ranks appears at first glance to be baffling, but is less so when
its history, politics and international connections are considered.
Remarkable as it seems, this man was a senior and trusted comrade,
having apparently made contact with Torney and Stewart several years
earlier as a member of Revolutionary Cells, a left-wing German terror
gang which had been running arms-smuggling routes and safe havens
for the INLA for 20 years.
Had Cueball suspected the truth about his German friend, the man
would have been destined for the same fate that had befallen dozens
of traitors, both real and imagined, within the INLA's ranks. He
would have been bound, gagged, severely beaten, and tortured with
bolt-croppers before being shot in the face and his body dumped
in a country lane near the border.
This man, whose identity is known to The Times , was an
officer of the German intelligence service, the Bundesamt für
Verfassungsschutz (BfV), or Federal Office for the Protection
of the Constitution. The BfV, like MI5 in Britain, is responsible
for counter-espionage, secret anti-terrorist operations, and for
surveillance of right or left-wing organisations considered to be
a threat to the security of the state. It had scored a number of
successes over the years against the KGB and its East German allies,
and against neo-Nazis and groups such as the Baader-Meinhof gang
.
Few BfV enterprises had been quite so audacious, however, or potentially
fruitful, as its operation to infiltrate the highest echelons of
the INLA, one which appears to have been carried out in close co-operation
with MI5.
Details of that operation are laid bare in a series of classified
reports from the BfV, the German federal criminal investigation
department, the Bundeskriminalamt, and the federal prosecutor's
office, the Generalbundesanwalt.
Among them is the agent's own statement about his time as an INLA
volunteer, in which he explains the frustrations and dangers he
faced, identifies ten leading members of the INLA, and names the
INLA man who was eventually ordered to murder him.
The Dundalk meeting, he explains, was held in July 1994, at a
time when everyone in Ireland knew that the Provisional IRA was
about to declare a ceasefire. The INLA, however, was determined
to carry on the "armed struggle". It had no shortage of willing
volunteers, was anticipating an influx of disaffected Provos, and
held significant amounts of arms. Furthermore, the INLA was not
lacking in the technical expertise needed to make bombs - what it
lacked was high-quality explosives.
"The aim was to stop the further transportation of weapons and
explosives and to find out the routes used," the agent wrote. "To
this purpose leading INLA members were to be enticed, under observation,
to a procurement activity in BRD (Germany) and to be arrested having
been seen making purchases in the Czech Republic and storing the
goods in Schwäbisch Hall (a small town 40 miles northeast of
Stuttgart). "At the end of July 1994, a talk was held at the house
of one of the old bosses of INLA, Peter Stewart. Stewart, INLA member
Gary Adams and I were present at this meeting. It took place in
Dundalk.
"Two days later at Gary Adams's house there was a meeting between
the chief-of-staff of INLA, Hugh Torney; the area leader responsible
for Tyrone, Gino Gallagher; and myself. As much Semtex as possible
was to be bought in the Czech Republic, also detonators would be
needed. Short and long weapons were of no interest."
The German agent offered to find a safe house for storage of the
material, and was to be paid £50,000 plus $25,000, which was to
be collected the next day in Dublin. "The next day the man who was
supposed to hand over the dollars murdered another man outside a
pub in Dublin," he wrote. "So the dollars had to be dispensed with."
After leaving his meeting in Dundalk, the agent returned to Germany
on August 2, he wrote. The next day Torney arrived in Stuttgart
with a junior INLA member, Sean Green, 30. Adams, meanwhile, remained
in reserve in Amsterdam with two other INLA terrorists.
At this stage the operation began to unravel. For reasons that
are unclear, the agent's superiors told him that no safe house would
be made available. "This was a critical situation for me as the
INLA chief-of-staff was already with me and I could not keep my
promise."
A week later the three men travelled to the Czech Republic where
they met a terrorist identified only as Murphy. In Pilsen they also
met a "representative" of Omnipol, the company that makes Semtex.
The manufacture of the plastic explosive had been halted by the
Czech Government in 1990, but was resumed the following year after
a system for tagging supplies received international approval. The
agent's report makes clear, however, that illicit supplies were
available for terrorists willing to pay.
With no safe house available, Murphy decided to transport the
Semtex back to Ireland himself, according to the agent's report.
It is unclear from the classified reports whether he succeeded in
reaching Ireland with his haul. The BfV believed that there was
a strong case against Torney and Green but, with no powers of arrest,
it decided to alert the German police.
A Stuttgart police report describes how the two men were arrested
at the city's railway station at 3.26pm on August 10. They were
carrying around £10,000 in various currencies - "money left over
from an explosives procurement activity" - and in their rucksacks
were single-use overalls, plastic gloves, bin bags and sealing tape.
"Objects such as these," the report's author notes, "are not usually
carried by a tourist."
As a result of Murphy's decision to transport the Semtex back
himself, however, no explosives were found, and the two men refused
to say anything during questioning. Senior officers decided that
the evidence of the BfV agent was insufficient to bring charges
and complained that they had no evidence that justified detaining
the two men.
"Both men were known as members of the INLA, but there was no
warrant for their arrest," the police report says. Torney and Green
were released the next day and escorted to a railway station where
they got a train to Paris.
The BfV officers involved in the operation were said to be furious.
One said: "You could see that the police regarded these two as trouble,
and just wanted them out of Stuttgart and out of the country. They
couldn't conceal their relief when the train pulled out of the station."
The agent who had risked his life wrote in his account: "Although
the police authorities were handed a leading member of the INLA
on a plate, they failed dismally. Later I was warned that INLA member
Michael Weldon had been given the job of liquidating all those responsible
for betraying Torney and Green in Stuttgart."
The agent's report concludes by noting that two years later Torney
murdered Gino Gallagher in one of the many vicious feuds that have
repeatedly ripped the INLA apart over the last 26 years. Another
INLA member, Dessie McCleery, was killed during the same bloodletting,
and "Torney is looking for McCleery's German girlfriend, Steffi
Schulz, who is also to be killed".
In November 1994 the agent was invited to London to meet MI5 officers,
who asked him to take part in a similar operation, "but because
of my previous experience I turned them down ..." The agent has
since assumed a new identity and left Germany. The IRA did announce
a ceasefire, on August 31, but 18 months later it was abandoned
with the Docklands Bomb. Commanders of the INLA, however, were warned
by a Sinn Fein leader that death awaited them if they broke ranks
and continued hostilities.
Sean Green was jailed for five years in 1999 for his part in a
letter-bomb campaign that targeted, among others, Unionist leaders
David Trimble and Jeffrey Donaldson. He served just six weeks before
being freed under the early release programme. Gary Adams was jailed
for 12 months for intimidation.
Michael Weldon was last heard of in Amsterdam, where he was in
hiding with another INLA man named in the German agent's report,
Thomas "The Zombie" Savage. The Zombie was alleged to carry out
contract killings across Ireland for as little as £500 a time, before
turning his hand to drug smuggling, and is wanted for questioning
about several murders on both sides of the border. Peter Stewart
died of cancer, and Torney is also dead, another victim of internal
INLA feuding. He was gunned down in September 1996 in a drive-by
shooting mounted in Lurgan by Gino Gallagher's friends. Before he
died, however, Torney was able to maim and kill several people who
would probably still be alive today had he been prosecuted and jailed
in Germany.
Among the victims of the INLA feud was Barbara McAlorum, 9, in
March 1996, who died as she played in front of her parents in their
living room when their North Belfast home was sprayed with bullets.
It was, INLA sources later conceded, a "mistaken" attack.
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