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The Dogs Are Barking And The Caravan Moves On

The Revolutionary Cells
Respond To Hans Joachim Klein


Hans Joachim Klein has left the guerrilla. He changed his mind about fighting in the armed left movement, because the conflicts which the decision to fight in the guerrilla had created for him could only mean that he stop this struggle. We are taken aback, because we didn't forsee this development on his part.

In our written statements, especially the interview from 1975, one can read what our expectations from each fighter in the guerrilla are and must be: the necessity for trust and clarity among the fighters, without competition, without problems of image, without machismo, without any kind of force.

It is within the logic of the guerrilla to solve contradicitions within the group with openness, by unlimited solidarity, by love. Only in this way can we begin, continue and bear this struggle. The RZ has never forced, pushed, tore, or seduced anybody into the group. The RZ never integrated comrades simply because they were screaming "they are ready". Among us, between us and the new ones, there is a long and arduous process to verify decisions again and again, to get to know oneself and each other, by experiences, by talking, talking, talking, to get to know by small steps in practice, whether the identity of life and of politics in the armed struggle is really the identity of each single member. We and he did not succeed in the case of HJK. Our weakness, that we cannot realize all of our expectations completely because we are not the marvelous new humans, our weakness shows at another point as well: we did not manage to arrange such a relationship with HJK, and we did not succeed in having him test himself; we did not see that HJK expected too much of himself; we were not critical enough with ourselves or with him, we loved him blindly.

Only now do we see one part of how the human being HJK "functions".

As he knows, the alternative between fighter and cop doesn't exist for us, he could have solved, with us, whatever made it impossible for him to continue the armed struggle, how to "leave", how to make his future safe. We, he, and the left know that it is possible to leave the guerrilla whenever one wants. Each one has the possibility to live anonymously with the support of those with whom she or he fought and lived before. It is precisely Hans Joachim Klein who could have had many possibilities. As a lot of people before him. He knew that, a lot of you on the left knows it very, very well, even the bourgeois press knows it. (Look at the article in FAZ!) (1)

To stop struggling in the urban guerrilla is no betrayal. Even though they know much better, certain people continue to place the problem of defending oneself from traitors on the same level as the historical events of Kronstadt, the Ukraine, and Catalonia, where the essential thing was differences of political positions and practice being solved by liquidating individuals. (2) Hans Joachim is a worldwide problem for the guerrilla - not because he split politically; anyone can do that without a single hair on her-his head being harmed. He is a problem because the way in which he split gives us reason enough to fear that he will not refrain from giving concrete details, structures, meeting points, names. The first name in the letter from JEMAND, the publication of so-called plans are the first signals (for the cops, too) that he is ready to cooperate when he can't bear it any longer or when they catch him.

The other self-evident way was always forbidden Hans Joachim Klein. His desperate pursuit to always be the greatest, the top fighter, the king, the admired one, didn't allow him that option: to show weakness (which, in fact, is no weakness), to put it on the table. He can only do that in a new framework which allows him his Star Show, where he can become master of his problems and his deep insecurity. This is only possible by telling his current audience what they want to hear. His current story is at complete odds with his old experience with this audience, it's at odds with his experience with us and with his last year and a half. That's the reason for the shit and the lies in his letter to 'Spiegel' (3) and 'Pflasterstrand'.

We know it is impossible and senseless to contest these lies, as if in a criminal trial. It has nothing to do with proof, especially for those people who have already known for a long time what they want to believe. The only thing we can say at this point: the precise hints in his letter where he wants to "prove" that we put pressure on him, where he wants to prove our fascist thoughts concerning anti-human actions, our objectifying relationships between ourselves and concerning him and foreign liberation movements, where he wants to prove our cold-blooded feelings, this proof is complete and total lies - and he knows it! But perhaps, on the other hand, he believes all of that himself.

What is JEMAND's use for all of this? What is the 'Pflasterstrand' left using this for? They maintain they are able to differentiate between criticism and State Security activity, they maintain they are helping the revolutionary Hans Joachim K. Reality is different.

The human being Hans J. K. doesn't make a shit of difference to them. They aren't "digging deeply", they don't want to "really know him". JEMAND's logic is to use him: he shall be used to finally, finally kill the urban guerrilla in Germany.

These left wing people never politically criticize our reality and continuity in the last five years of actions, statements, and results. They create fantasies - and then reinforce the sick offspring of their fantasies (especially in Frankfurt, we could publish weekly denials about the things that circulate about us in the terrified scene).

They don't deal with us as real human beings, as an existing fighting group with the political contents and logic of the urban guerrilla - eg., Galinski: you easily believe the horror story of Hans Joachim Klein (4) instead of reflecting on Galinski's role in the crimes of Zionism, for the cruelties of Israel's imperialistic army, you don't reflect on the propaganda work and material support of this guy, you don't see him as anything other than "a leader of the Jewish community", and: you don't reflect about what to do against this fact, and what could be done in a country like ours... You avoid this political discussion and get exited about the maintained (anti-semitism?) fascism of the RZ and the men behind them. (5)

HJK's letter is the "proof" previously lacking, for all the shit the left maintains in order to avoid dealing with the debate about armed resistances, the debate with us, the debate amongst themselves, and their fear within this system. They foam with hate against us, and each piece of information they get about us they put into their frame of reference, "now we will say everything we know" (Pflasterstrand editors). The articles concerning us in this paper from Frankfurt are sentence by sentence proof of their self- betrayal, of their colonized minds, of their confused memories of common experiences (with us, amongst themselves, and with Hans Joachim Klein), they are proof of the unbounded hate propaganda, attempting all the while to destroy by any means the small bases of the urban guerrilla, and they are proof of the cop mentality with which Hans Joachim is made a vehicle of their psychological and practical warfare against us. If this clique didn't want that but wanted to help Hans Joachim Klein, this clique should not reinforce in him his role as a "revolutionary", but should try to bring him out of his desperate political situations not by firing up his hate, but by clarifying his situation: the situation of a man who took part in an operation, who began a kind of politic that he could not cope with. A man who cannot go back after this operation because of the cops (!), who can't have a legal life, who can't carry on legal politics like the Spontis, who can only live secretly, always in danger of discovery, a situation which is, politically and psychologically, very, very difficult to stand without an identity as an armed fighter.

Everything that is going on now indicates that the intention is the opposite because the struggle against us has become the main purpose. But this will not work! The cops, the justice system, the destructive prison conditions, the torture, the CIA, and the Zionists did not succeed in destroying the guerrilla in Germany or anywhere else because resistance and struggle are and remain necessary. And Hans Joachim Klein, JEMAND, and "the editorial board" also cannot do that. The guerrilla won't be forced into anything by you; Hans Joachim Klein is not, for us, the "purification of a revolutionary body", "the removal of the trouble spot in the armed everyday life", not at all, friends! Yet, how we deal with it, how we relate to it, how we develop further is a matter for us, a matter of political criticism, self-criticism, and practice.

In our actions, in our statements, in our politics, in our resistance, in our lives, we won't be dictated to by you, who threaten us with betrayal, isolation and destructive detention. As well as your previous "critique", your dirt could not make the urban guerrilla impossible, yours and HJK's lying propaganda will not do it and your circulating list of names and your gossipy betrayal definitely will not do it.

You assume that these politics, by which each of us risks her- his freedom, and even her-his life, at all times, would give in to such a ridiculous threat. Your "revolutionary" critique - i.e., to call the cops for help - will put some of us behind bars under certain circumstances if you continue in the same way, that we will certainly know how to deal with. But your threat and your preparations for its realization will not make the guerrilla in Germany disappear. The guerrilla cannot be blackmailed.

Revolutionary Cells
May 24, 1977


  1. Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung - conservative bourgeois daily for the business community, similar to the London, England "Financial Times" in contents and style.
  2. Reference to JEMAND, the German word for somebody. JEMAND was the signature chosen by an anonymous group of left-wing people who helped Klein have his denunciations of guerrilla politics printed in 'Pflasterstrand', a Sponti newspaper from Frankfurt, West Germany, that began to distance itself from the guerrilla in 1975.
  3. Der Spiegel - intellectual bourgeois weekly.
  4. Galinski - spokesman for the Jewish community in West Berlin. Klein claimed the Revolutionary Cells intended to kill him.
  5. Reference to the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP).
http://www.freilassung.de/otherl/arm/rz-klein77 .htm